Why are conservatives so afraid of contraception?

by andrewkoppelman

My recent post, “How the Religious Right Promotes Abortion,” elicited a quick response from Michael New of the Witherspoon Institute, which was just as quickly endorsed by Rick Garnett and Thomas Peters.  Prof. New wants us to believe that, even though a very large number of American women receive no instruction about contraception before their first sexual experience, giving them that information would have no effect whatsoever on the rate of unintended pregnancy.  Now June Carbone and Naomi Cahn, on whose work I rely in that post, have written a response, which I post below.  They answer New’s arguments better than I could.

I add only that it is astoundingly stupid and tragic that this is what we are arguing about.  One of the rare areas of common ground between opponents and supporters of abortion rights is that neither side thinks that unintended pregnancy is a good thing.  We should be able to come together on measures that would actually reduce the rate of unwanted pregnancy, and thus, inevitably, reduce the abortion rate.  That might even help the anti-abortion cause in the long run, because it would reduce the number of American women who have had abortions (a risk that I, a supporter of abortion rights, am willing to take).  Yet instead, we are having this silly argument.  It is dispiriting.

Here is what Carbone and Cahn write:

There are more than 66 million women of childbearing age in the US, and 90% of them will use birth control at some point in their lives.  Contraception is part of the fabric of women’s lives from the beginning of sexual activity through menopause.  Women use contraception so that they can delay pregnancy, or because they want to space out their children, or because they don’t want any more children.

We argued in our book, Red Families v. Blue Families, that if there is to be an approach to family values that transcends the culture wars it should include a change in emphasis from abortion to contraception.  The first is an intrinsically divisive issue; the second should not be.  Yet, every time legislators advocate recognition of women’s needs, conservatives work to derail them.  When President Obama proposed strengthening family planning efforts in the stimulus package, Republicans blocked the measure.  When Senator Barbara Mikulski suggested that health care reform address contraception, conservatives falsely insinuated that the proposal would increase abortions.  Most recently, Professor Andrew Koppelman of Northwestern argued that the middle ground in the abortion fight is greater support for contraception, and a prominent conservative blog responded by rejecting the very idea that contraception could possibly have anything to do with reducing abortions.

These assertions are astounding.  The most frequently asserted half-truth making its way across the internet is that most women who have abortions did use some form of birth control, therefore “there is relatively little the government can do to increase contraceptive use among sexually active women.” (Michael New, Witherspoon)  The veiled message, of course, is that the only way to prevent abortions is prevent sex.  We happily married women who do not want ten children each should take note.

More critically, though, the distortions threaten to widen the already huge gulf between rich and poor in control of unwanted childbearing.  Here are the facts.  Publicly funded family planning services helped prevent almost two million unwanted pregnancies that experts estimate would have resulted in over 800,000 abortions, and improvements in contraceptive access and effectiveness are the single biggest explanation for the drop in abortions in the nineties. It is also true, as conservatives claim, that the majority of women who have abortions were using contraceptives – and that is exactly the point.  The government can increase the effectiveness of contraceptive use, preventing even more abortions,  and it is time to acknowledge that conservatives stand in the way of doing so.

First, let’s recognize what every sexually active woman knows: contraception is a messy business.  Yes, most sexually active women use it and, yes, almost everyone can afford a condom.  What pro-life conservatives rarely discuss is that long term injectibles are easier to manage than the pill, women who have had a child find diaphragms less reliable than those who have not, IUDs, which have become substantially safer over the last two decades, require a doctor’s involvement and monitoring, condoms, which women cannot control, are more effective when used together with other methods, and a thousand other details exist that make contraceptive use with consistent medical care much more reliable than contraceptive use without such access.  The big story from the nineties is that doctors have finally come up with safer and more effective contraceptives, and more consistent and effective contraception explains 85% of the drop in teen pregnancies and the most substantial part of the drop in abortions.

Second, we should recognize that improvements in the sophistication and effectiveness of contraception have increased the class-based disparities in unintended births.  The overall unintended pregnancy rate has stayed about the same, but in the nineties, it dropped 20% for college educated women and increased 29% for poor woman.  The simple explanation is that avoiding unwanted pregnancy has become easier – but only for those who have systematic access to medical care.

So why are conservatives so reluctant to come on board?  We suspect that it is because doing so requires acknowledging a dirty little secret.  The unintended pregnancy rates of college educated women have fallen in large part because of the benefits of taxpayer subsided health insurance.  The Republican party has been working overtime to make sure that other women do not have access to the same benefits.

3 Responses to “Why are conservatives so afraid of contraception?”


  • Actually for this conservative contraception is a problem because it violates conservative anthropology.

    Contraception substantially alters what it means to be human and to pursue the fulfillment of that humanity. Even if I attempt to exclude the traditions of the Church, I can find problems with the promotion of recreational (strange that recreational sexual activity is devoid of any dimension of creation) is at odds with eudaimonia as well.

    For the more practical, the sexual revolution has resulted in the commoditization of the sexual habits of women in particular. The recreational model devalues women and undermines their personhood. To use the common phrase, it objectifies, altering the relationship with the other irrevocably into a tool for self-pleasuring.

  • Why are liberals and conservatives so afraid of understanding each other? That dispirits me. Anyone who really wants to know why many conservatives disagree with Mr. Koppelman can easily find out by talking with conservatives and trying to actually understand what they say. Mr. Koppelman might want to read the comments here in response to his earlier post on this topic, for example:

    http://lawreligionethics.net/2010/04/how-the-religious-right-promotes-abortion/

    Saying contraception shouldn’t be controversial, as Carbone and Cahn do, simply ignores the facts about conservative views. That they could write a book about this and still not get it is dispiriting.

    “Prof. New wants us to believe that, even though a very large number of American women receive no instruction about contraception before their first sexual experience, giving them that information would have no effect whatsoever on the rate of unintended pregnancy.”

    He doesn’t make that claim.

    “The veiled message, of course, is that the only way to prevent abortions is prevent sex. We happily married women who do not want ten children each should take note.”

    There is no such veiled message.

    “Here are the facts.”

    It’s hard to evaluate “the facts” as presented, but it’s apparent that not all the conclusions drawn follow directly from the numbers, and some of the numbers appear to be based on what must be sophisticated statistical analysis, probably involving some controversial assumptions.

    “So why are conservatives so reluctant to come on board? We suspect that it is because doing so requires acknowledging a dirty little secret. The unintended pregnancy rates of college educated women have fallen in large part because of the benefits of taxpayer subsided health insurance.”

    Yeah, put aside what they actually say and make up a reason for them. Why doesn’t Mr. Koppelman find that lack of good will dispiriting?

  • I would hope that Koppelman could do a better job of responding to New than Carbone and Cahn (“C&C”) have done, because they’ve done a remarkably poor job.

    C&C begin by misrepresenting New’s argument. New said was that “existing research indicates that there is relatively little the government can do to increase contraceptive use among sexually active women”, which C&C say means “the only way to prevent abortions is prevent sex.” I confess I don’t even know where to begin with that kind of interpretation. There doesn’t seem to me to be any relationship at all between New’s conclusion based on existing research and C&C’s supposed restatement of it. We can note that New’s statement doesn’t address abortion or the prevention of abortion, but even that is being too charitable, because it assumes some minimum of good faith from C&C, and it’s not clear that there is even that.

    C&C go on to argue that “improvements in the sophistication and effectiveness of contraception have increased the class-based disparities in unintended births” and apparently this is meant to echo the discussion of changes in the technology of contraception. But there really isn’t any support for this idea. When we look at the methods of contraception by education and by poverty level income we see that the well-educated and well-off are much more likely to rely on the pill, more likely to rely on condoms, and less likely to use injectables. The pill and condoms rely more on user compliance than do other methods, which, together with other behavior differences (such as likelihood to engage in uncontracepted sex) likely explains the differences in outcomes we see. That’s the simple explanation.

    C&C close with some ugly attacks on Republicans (which they apparently believe is a category interchangeable with pro-lifers). They assert that the differences in outcomes–which appear to be largely driven by behavior and not access–are best thought of as the natural outcome of “taxpayer subsidized health insurance.” There’s absolutely no evidence for that proposition, whatever it might mean. (Do they mean to suggest that the unintended pregnancy rates for women on Medicaid is lower than among the self-employed who purchase private insurance without taxpayer subsidy? I’ll take the other side of that bet.)

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